In this paper, footpaths or sidewalks has been analyzed by placing it under the lenses of various perspectives on urban space primarily Marxist and feminist, partly humanist. In the first chapter, I have given an introduction to the sidewalks and different themes around sidewalks. In the second chapter, I have outlined the history and evolution of sidewalks and history of right to the sidewalks. Then the discussion turns to competing uses and meanings of sidewalks and a look at two topics- homelessness and street vending. Chapter 3 examines the association of sidewalk with homelessness and debates over public space. Chapter 4 examines sidewalks through angle of economic survival for street vendors and conflicts between established business and street vendors. Chapter 4 focuses on use of visibility of sidewalks in protests. Finally the discussion shifts to footpaths as a feminist issue and gendered spaces.
(Note: I have used the words
footpaths and sidewalks interchangeably
throughout the discussion)
Chapter I.
Introduction to Sidewalks
Footpaths or sidewalks are often taken for granted by most of us and is often undervalued as an urban element. Footpaths are public ground which provides connectivity between origin point and destination point. Most of us traverse through at least one footpath every day. Footpaths are modest, consistent bits of grey concrete, which find their place between buildings and roadways. They mostly have a common appearance, but form an integral part of any street and urban life. Sidewalk can be an economic space for vendors, a shelter for homeless, a space of dissent for protesters and political activists, and it can extend even up to the concept of urban forest for some environmentalist. The sidewalks have served for economic, political and social uses. Jane Jacobs called sidewalks as “the main public places of the city” in her book “The Death and Life of American Cities”. Sidewalks serve many purposes besides providing walking space for pedestrians. According to her, they are active sites to socialize. She also argues that sidewalks are an abstraction; it is nothing by itself. It has a meaning only in conjunction with other uses and buildings that border it (Jacobs 1961)
These footpaths, as Lefebvre would argue, are a produced space. According to him, terms of everyday use often help us in distinguishing and describing the social spaces. These words which define spaces are based on the practices and specific use of the space. These words make up unrecognized codes, which we later explain by thought, and as a part of the reflection on how we perform upon them, a spatial code is formed. It is our thinking which eventually leads to a system of space. Thus, there exists a dialectical character between codes and space. However, they do not isolate particular spaces. A social space, which Lefebvre visualizes as a social product, too, is a produced space and can be decoded and read (Lefebvre, 2007)
Also, gender is an integral component of this system of space that emerges. It is essential to understand gender in context to space, as it often goes unseen as a force behind the production and sustenance of these spaces. This embarks the onset of feminist perspectives on space, which decodes and put forward the deeply integrated relationship of spaces and gender, and exposes the dialectics among the two.
Themes on Footpaths
In this section I have attempted to describe briefly various themes around footpath which is relevant for spatial analysis of footpaths
Distinctiveness:
During my review, I found that there is a lack of literature on sidewalks relatively. This might be due to the reason of sidewalks being an undifferentiated part of the street. Streets and sidewalks conjoin to produce right of way for people living in cities. Sidewalks are also unavoidable like streets. But, I want to highlight that sidewalks are different from roads and have many different uses that I have highlighted in subsequent chapters. When we talk of roads they are meant only for vehicular usage, but when it comes to sidewalks, people have not only walked but also “socialized” in this urban space.
One can also find difference between sidewalks based on where they are located, its association with specific buildings and uses, and demographics around it. For example, sidewalks of Dadar and Chembur would have some differentiation.
Public-ness
The characterization of public spaces is difficult because of the variation involved, for example: access to a public office is different from access to a footpath. In public spaces of urban area the public-ness of space can be visualized as the extent to which people can access the space in question without requirement of permission either implied or expressed. Also, the assessment of public-ness of space can be done better over time.
Access to public space serves as a mechanism for assertion of rights of urban dwellers for participation in society. These struggles to assert the right to public space usage acquires different forms. Also, when it comes to sidewalks multiple stakeholders are involved in negotiation for activities and public access on sidewalks. These stakeholders range from municipal officials, street vendors, owners of the property adjoining footpath, homeless residents, political activists etc.
According to Mitchell, public-ness is not often responsible for making a space public. Rather he argues that, a space is made public when “one group takes space and through its actions makes it public (Mitchell 2003)
If we follow the continuum of private and public usage as given by Margaret Kohn to look into public-ness of footpaths, then most of the footpaths are public property. But, a significant control is also exercised by private owners over footpaths (Kohn 2004). Sometimes, these private-property owners are also responsible for maintenance. Sidewalks are often used by businesses which is beneficial to both business and other users of sidewalks too.
Contestation and Diversity:
Sidewalks play a role of shared space that accommodates a diverse range of population. Hence, contestation becomes a possibility in the case of sidewalks. Suppose if municipality or government brings any act or ordinance to regulate activities of public space, then it should not only be seen as a perspective of government. Rather, it can be visualized as a negotiation between conflicting interests of different groups.
A question arises why public spaces like sidewalk become a space of
conflict. A simple answer to this question can be: due to the overlap of
activities that are hosted by sidewalks. Different groups have different
interests. Say for example, small businesses are in competition with street
vendors. Pedestrians might have an objection for displays on sidewalks, on
encroachment by shop owners or vendors.
The activity of one person on sidewalk may be in competition with other
for a space which is limited. This overlap of interest of multiple groups over
a narrow stretch of sidewalk leads to complexity.
Chapter II
Evolutionary History of Footpaths/Sidewalks
In this section I have attempted to review the history of evolution of sidewalks in different countries based on literature available and documentaries.
Starting this discussion, if I have to characterize history of sidewalk, then I would say sidewalk has a history that is “long but interrupted”. The history of sidewalk can be traced back to 2000 BC when sidewalks had their first appearance at a place in Anatolia (Turkey in modern times), and were called karum of Kultepe (Kostof, 1992). Another instance of footpath in early history is found for Cornith, an ancient city of Greece. If we believe some accounts, it can be said that use of sidewalks was prevalent in 4th century, but none of the accounts mentions about date of construction. “Semita” is the special word that was used by Romans for sidewalks which dates back to 3rd century BC. . As I have mentioned in the beginning of this chapter the history of sidewalk is interrupted. Sidewalks had disappearance from the scene after Rome being attacked from the north (Kostof, 1992). In fact, there was no separate space available for pedestrians in European streets during medieval times. This period of interruption came to an end after Great fire of 1666 in London. Sidewalks reappeared after this Great Fire. Sidewalks found their space in the streets that were reconstructed after the Great Fire. Sidewalks became a common sight in London by middle of 18th century, especially after the passage of Westminster Paving Act of 1751.
During the same period i.e. mid eighteenth century, foot pavements were existent in some exclusive streets of Paris. These pavements were known as trottoirs. Geist has described them as “unconnected, protruding limestone curbs, serving to hold or carts’’ (Geist 1983). An interesting feature that evolution of Parisian walkaways offers is ‘boulevards’. Walkaways got integrated into street system through boulevards. The development of Boulevards was something as a broad street lined with trees that segregated pedestrians from vehicles.
In the second quarter of 19th century, there was rapid development of sidewalks. According to Kostof, sidewalks that lined Parisian streets were only 876 feet by 1822, but by 1850, total length of sidewalks measured around 161 miles (Kostof 1992). According to French Police ordinances of 1763 and 1766, permission was given for pedestrians to walk on protected side paths (contrealle’es) while horses were allowed at roadway’s center.
Louis Daguerre, Paris Boulevard, 1839, Daguerre type (Image Source:smarthistory.org)
Let us shift to discussion on development of distinct meanings of sidewalks when they were constructed. According to James Winter, posts acted as a separation between footpaths and road in late 18th and 19th century streets. Footpaths were paved with egg shaped stones. The sidewalk and raised curb became a common sight in London after the coming of macadam paving. This had effects, for example carriage way became larger due to the pedestrians walking increasingly on streets. But, the sidewalks also became “more sharply differentiated from the other parts increasing the amount of legal ambiguity about what the term ‘street’ was meant to convey’’ (Winter 1993).
History of Right to sidewalks
When I look back towards the history from right to the sidewalks angle, I find that some of the social groups have demanded deference from members of other groups that they have encountered on sidewalks ,to lay an emphasis on their status and maintain their status. For example, obligation on Afro-Americans for differential action in shared spaces. Even some city ordinances have backed these norms. According to Fyfe, sidewalks are both sites of resistance and domination (Fyfe, 1998). Exclusion and stigmatization were used as a mechanism to maintain difference in statuses in public interactions. Women were stigmatized for their appearance in public since 19th century and faced exclusion from sidewalks. Some of these exclusions produced reactions, and when they have been discriminatory or oppressive, people have asserted their equality and right to the city (Fyfe1998). Sidewalk is a shared space where people traverse out of their necessity and hence they provide arena for negotiation of inequality and exclusion. Dailey argues that sidewalks altercations have served as ‘‘a metaphor for broader questions of racial domination and subordination.’’(Dailey 1997) Hierarchies are upheld and challenged through public encounters. Encounters that are disruptive represent interactions between groups.
There was negotiation of acts of domination or deference as people
passed each other. Historically, high status was reflected in uninterrupted
walk and deference was expected by individuals having low status. This was true
in the case of women too. In this way even a small thing like movement or
walking on sidewalks reinforced social norms and conflicting hierarchies.
Chapter III
Footpath as Shelter
I would start this discussion on footpath as space for shelter by stating a line that I have written after observing urban space of Mumbai: The everyday life of homeless people living in Mumbai reflects the reality of urban space of the time we live in. The vulnerable and poor people are forced to live on perils of urban space like corners of streets, pavements, spaces underneath flyovers and bridges, railway stations. They are undergoing a deep struggle for their survival with dignity. They experience harassment constantly and live in fear and uncertainty.
One only needs to step out of his residence to witness that the quantum of people living on the footpaths of city increase every year. Notably, this is after considering the fact that Mumbai’s 60 per cent population lives in slums which is highest in percentage compared to any other parts of the country.
Before moving on to further analysis, I would like to quote some facts and figures about the state of homelessness which is a kind of social epidemic at national level ( Source of data : “Without Walls” an exhibition run by Columbia University)
- There is a 20 per cent increase in population which lives on country’s streets in the period 2001-2011
- The problem of homelessness is higher in metropolitan cities due to paucity of affordable shelters and housing. Around ¼ of homeless people of India lives in eight big metropolitan cities. Mumbai, Chennai, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Delhi, Pune, Kolkata , Ahmedabad
- Mumbai has a total number of 57000 homeless people (Census 2011). But, if we consider data provided by activists the actual figure is much greater than the official figures. A rough estimate is around 1.5 to 3 Lakh
- The percentage of woman who are homeless is 25 per cent of the total homeless population
- The percentage of infants is around 8 per cent
- The literacy level is very low for homeless people. 53 per cent of total homeless population are illiterate
- Around 70 per cent of homeless people do work but whatever they earn is not enough for them to afford a permanent shelter
- According to a study by the organization Build (Bombay Urban Industrial League for Development), 96 per cent of homeless are in the state of homelessness for over last five years
- The same study says that 60 per cent of homeless people of Mumbai have spent around twenty years residing on streets.
Now, I will shift discussion towards analysis of footpath as public space for shelter and the conflict over it. The activities in public spaces can have direct interference amongst them. There are multiple groups in a public space and use by one group may lead to disruption of other groups’ space vision. If we consider someone sleeping on a footpath, it shouldn’t be his/her best or only option for residence or shelter. If someone sleeps on a footpath, then he or she forces others to oppose this usage of space. It also leads to the decline in accessibility of space for some other activity. But, I would argue that footpaths are the spaces for both housed and homeless residents. Hence, it should have accessibility for some necessary activity. I strongly argue that some of the public spaces should have their availability for homeless people who don’t have accessibility of private space for their sustenance.
The activities which are linked with homelessness include sitting, sleeping, talking etc. They are common activities, however when it comes to homeless people, the same activities are perceived in different manners. Grooming, time spent on footpaths and begging is considered as a marker for homeless people irrespective of them being homeless or not. Some people argue that there should be a complete ban on anyone from public space. Many cities have built an assumption that there should be prohibition on ordinary activities of homeless people as the discomfort caused to other people due to these activities are sufficient to prohibit.
For the homeless people living in a public space, they have memories associated with each location where they live. It can range from shops’ porches which provide them shelter in the rain, or busy footpaths where they have suffered loss of their loved ones. For many homeless, footpaths are closest to home. Although, these homes are the ones which have no safety, no privacy, no roofs providing protection from rains or winter winds, but nevertheless homes. Such homeless people can rightly be called as people “without walls”
Footpath becomes a home for a family living on a footpath outside a hostel in Chowpatty (Image Source: Scroll.in)
Prima facie, this image seems to be some random people sleeping on streets. But, actually, it is a five member family. They have been living on the same pavement for more than 10 years. For them, their home is the space between the dustbin, tree and the signal.
There is a popular belief that homeless families are itinerant. But, when I interviewed some of them, I found that they are residing at the same location for years which is in contradiction with popular belief. One can see markers of life of homeless people on the wall that support them. These walls sometimes become canvas for the doodles of children going to school. Sometimes one can see photographs of deceased members of family or Gods on these walls.
Photographs of God on walls put up
by a family living on a footpath in Chembur (Image Source: My own camera)
Chapter III
Footpath as Economic Space
I would start the discussion on footpath as space for economic survival by giving context of 1961 Bollywood movie Tel Malish Boot Polish which had a classic song “ Ek Ana Boot Polish, Do Ana Tel Malish” [1] Link to the song : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h0bBwWsGBTo . In this song, there is a street vendor who has a footpath shop. He feels proud that he does not do begging or stealing but does hard work to earn a living. Yet, he is not allowed by world to live peacefully. This struggle is faced by millions of street vendors in a rapidly urbanizing India.
Figure 4 Footpath as space for economic survival
A fruit vendor in Chembur area vending for economic survival (Image Source: My own camera)
This is a common sight on footpath of Mumbai i.e. a vendor who has set up his temporary shop on footpath. Street vendors are identified as self-employed workers in the informal sector who offer their labor to sell goods and services on the street without having any permanent built-up structure (National Policy on Urban Street Vendors [NPUSV], 2006, p. 11).
Figure 5 Footpath as economic space
A footpath in Dadar used as a space for economic activity ( Image Source: My camera)
Edward Soja, a well-known geographer says “relations of power and discipline are inscribed into the apparently innocent spatiality of social life’’ (Soja 1989). Street vending apparently looks as an ordinary activity, but when this activity becomes conflicted, it gives us a reflection of struggles over social change and attempts for its management. Street vendors are denied the opportunity for using footpaths to do economic activities due to the influence of merchants who are established in nature and upper-and middle- class citizens (Bromley 2000). Street vendors in order to fulfill their economic needs have done negotiations for presence by challenging or evading regulations. In this process, they assert their claims over the city.
The use of footpaths for vending and conflict related to it, better termed as “street vending wars”, can be thought of as a struggle over the uses and meaning of public space. This struggle is between a public which has precise ideals for order and a counter-public which includes poor residents; immigrants etc., and are in need of a space for various social and economic activities. (Fraser 1992).
The vending war also gives a
reflection of conflict among users of footpaths who compete with each other
over the narrow footpath strips. Businesses which are in direct competition
with vendors are in constant opposition of street vending. Another reason due
to which some businesses fight is: image of neighborhood. Municipalities
generally align themselves with business and property owners through enactment
and enforcement of various street vending regulations.
Chapter IV
Footpath as Space for Protests
Figure 6 Footpath as a space for protests and dissent
Mahul residents protesting on a footpath of Vidya Vihar (Image Source: groundxero.in)
I would start the discussion on footpath as a space for dissent by highlighting the recent issue of poor living conditions in Mahul village. Mahul is in news from last few months due to protests by residents of Mahul against their forced resettlement. Recently, there was a new addition to it when they occupied footpaths for their protest. The above image is from the same protest that happened on footpaths of Vidya Vihar (Ghatkopar.) I will not go deeper into the actual Mahul issue but, I would rather focus on how footpaths are used as a space for expressing dissent, as in the above case.
In many countries including India, footpaths have been historically used by many groups as a space for expressing opposition to actions of government. These groups have fought for political, social or economic justice. According to Mitchell, these groups, by protesting on streets and interrupting normal flow of traffic have forced society to take them into notice. (Mitchell 1996)
In broader terms, sidewalks are used here as political space. There are two different views regarding footpaths as political spaces. The first view has perception of sidewalks as a public forum that is inclusive and enables political action, dissent and debate. Barthes holds the same view about sidewalks and says that sidewalks are settings of space where “subversive forces, forces of rapture, ludic forces act and meet’’ (Barthes 1986). Lees argues that sidewalks are space where ‘‘marginalized groups make themselves visible enough to be counted as legitimate members of the polity’’ (Lees 1998). According to Mitchell, freedom of speech and expression provides for right to “take to the streets” (Mitchell, 1996)
In contrast to the first view that I have described above, second view sees dissent on sidewalks as obstructions to street. According to this view, protests and demonstrations on sidewalks are threatening for safe rhythm of our everyday life. These acts of dissent hinder the free walkability of pedestrians and vehicular traffic and create chaos. Protests on footpaths interfere with passage or movement of others. This interference is undesirable and uncomfortable. If I have to summarize this view I would say that this view gives greater privilege to public safety in comparison to the rights of people who are dissenting.
Now, I will try to look upon the reasons for this usage of sidewalks as space for protest. Public acts of dissenting are meant to counter powerful interest. Hence, these acts must be disruptive and visible in nature. Although, when we look “walking” as mode of transportation, it is no longer primary mode of transport in cities like Mumbai. But, still footpaths are important because they wind throughout the city and adjoin private properties and roadways.
Each one of us has to walk a portion of our way towards destination via footpaths. Although, we may not walk all the way to our destinations on footpath; but still they will be used to enter or exit the destination. Suppose in the case of Mumbai, most of the people travel by local train to their destination, but still they have to walk for sometimes on footpath to reach the local station or while exiting from the station. Footpaths are also likely to be seen by motorists who are plying on road. Thus, footpaths provide protesters a space that has critical accessibility to most of the city.
The same reasoning can be applied in the case of Mahul residents protesting on footpaths. The residents chose the site of footpath for protest because by protesting on footpaths they are disrupting the movement and are much more visible.
Chapter V
Footpath as Feminist issue
I would like to start this discussion by setting context through a “gender behavior exercise” that was done by some feminist philosophers. This exercise was conducted to see gendered differences in behavior on sidewalks: it was expected that a woman will get out of a man’s way and the expectation that a man won’t do it for woman. In this exercise students were assigned task of walking down the footpath and not to get out of the way of men and report the happenings. Several women reported of being bumped into other people. What is more interesting to know in this study is what the researchers found out with their interaction with some male students. It was actually a gender behavior that was learned by males that they have to walk down the middle of the sidewalk or some crowded spaces and also that they tend to keep their head up and their eyes are directly ahead with no concern to say ‘excuse me’ and also not to worry about bumping into someone. Our everyday experience is also quite similar with the results to the study. The behavior on the footpath of males is like if they are entitled to middle of the sidewalks.
Space can be seen in the light of a natural space where it is populated by political forces, and as absolute space, which is religious and political in character by virtue of being formed on due to interaction of bongs of consanguinity, language or origin. (Lefebvre, 2007)
Shilpa Phadke elaborates on how spaces both private and public which are hierarchically ordered through various inclusion and exclusions, therefore, play an instrumental role in reinforcing social power structures. These spaces are often influenced by socio-cultural, political norms and institutional arrangements which provoke different ways of being and belonging. Thus, the effects of spaces are different on different genders. “Gendered spaces” refers to the socially constructed geographical and architectural arrangements around space that regulate and restrict women’s access to those spaces which are connected to the production of power and privilege in any given context (Phadke, n.d.)
Phadke in her project report on Gender and Space argues that danger and risk are often gendered in urban life, but, when it comes to planning and designing of public spaces, it is rarely done so to facilitate access of woman to such spaces (Phadke 2011).
The same is true for public space of footpaths. In my study, I traversed through various footpaths of Mumbai and found an interesting thing about lighting on streets. It seemed to me that the urban planning in Mumbai focuses more on lighting the streets than the footpath used by the pedestrians. This is a case of class bias- of giving priority to cars over people which can be extrapolated to bias against women. With growing instances of sexual harassment against woman, lack of lighting on footpath makes it unsafe for women. In an attempt to interact with women using footpaths regularly, I found out how women perceive footpaths as unsafe and vulnerable spaces. These conversations suggested high levels of anxiety and discomfort associated with walking on footpaths.
Katie Matchett, an urban planner says that “Footpaths are a feminist issue”. She argues that we have designed a transportation system that discounts travel needs of women. Moreover, women often have to travel with children. According to her, footpaths are not designed wide enough to accommodate a woman walking with a stroller. She puts it as: “When we design our transportation system in that way that doesn’t favor women’s travel along footpaths I really see that as a feminist issue.”
A feminist critique of the right to the city demonstrates that though great gains have been made in gender equality, sexual discrimination persists within everyday life (Beebejaun 2015)
To Sum Up
Though the current urban planners might be cognizant of the need for ensuring security for women, I however think that this security idea is problematic. For ensuring security the two commonly deployed methods are police and surveillance which in turn could act as instrument of oppression and restriction for woman. I feel that the guiding factor for inclusive planning must be comfort and not only safety and security. By comfort I mean sense of belongingness and absence of violence. This sense of belongingness would not come from policing and surveillance.
A city space like footpath must be inclusive for all sections of society including the street vendors, homeless residents, and women. I feel that there is a need that urban planners focus on this inclusion issue. This will lead to a more successful urban democracy. There should be no barriers like caste, class gender and other artificial barriers for possession of equal right to every dimension of urban space. A bottom-up approach and participative approach should be followed in the planning process to create users that can equally use a public space like a footpath.
I would conclude by giving example of Pune Municipal Corporation’s Urban Street Design Guidelines that has taken a progressive step in urban design. The mentioned guidelines make it an inclusive project for population like the street vendors as well. The outline reads: “Streets are for all users – not only vehicles but also pedestrians, public transportation and cyclists. They are the great meeting and vending places too! Our streets must be designed for all uses they support, capturing the essence of the surrounding locality” (USDG-PMC 2011)
A snap from urban street design guidelines of PMC (Image Source: USDG, PMC)
Another thing that I would like to highlight in conclusion is: we
should consider multiple rights to the city and recognize the co-existence of
contested publics within the urban space. It may result into more ways to
include different experiences into planning. I feel that we need to re-engage
with multiple uses of space within a framework that is attentive to differences.
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